Arts & Social Sciences
Te Kura Kete Aronui

Thomas, D. R. & Chalip L., Voyle J. (1996). Enhancing wellbeing through sport and recreation in D. Thomas & A. Veno (Eds.), Community psychology and social change: Australian and New Zealand Perspectives (2nd ed.) Palmerston North: Dunmore Press

Enhancing wellbeing through sport and recreation

Participation in organized sport and other recreational activities offers a range of possibilities for planning social change interventions to enhance individual and community wellbeing. Despite these possibilities, applied psychological research on these topics has been almost entirely confined to sport psychologists whose primary focus has been the imporvement of performance in competitive sports. This chapter explores a number of themes with the intention of developing an applied psychology of sport and recreation for the purpose of planning and implementing effective interventions which will enhance the quality of life for individuals and communities.

It is popularly believed that participation in organized sport and recreation engenders benefits for individuals and communities (cf., Grove & Dodder, 1982; Kelly, 1982). For individuals, sport and recreation have been said to enhance the development of healthy lifestyles, the formation of socially desirable attitudes, and the reduction of tensions. For communities, sport and recreation have been said to improve group sociability, enhance community identification, and socialize young participants.

Despite the ubiquity of popular assertions attesting to one or more of these benefits, organized sport and recreation have been extensively critiqued. Contemporary recreation services have been criticized for promoting consumer values rather than community or self-actualization (Clarke & Critcher, 1985; Goldman, 1984; Rojek, 1985). Modern sport has been accused of abetting the oppression of workers (Brohm, 1978; Rigauer, 1981), reinforcing existing ethnic tensions (Lapchick, 1984), promoting a dangerously over-competitive ethic (Orlick, 1978; Kohn, 1986), and fostering poor social skills, unrealistic expectations, and inadequately elaborated self-concepts (Remer, Tongate & Watson, 1978).

These assertions of benefit and accusations of harm suffer from a common flaw: The laudits and critiques ascribe benefits and maladies to something inherent in the sport and recreation activities themselves. However, research suggests that the nature of impact is not a consequence of any sport or recreation activity's intrinsic characteristics; rather, each activity's impact depends on the manner of implementation and the attributes of service delivery (Chalip, Csikszentmihalyi, Kleiber & Larson, 1984). For example, it has been shown that children's enjoyment of sport and their subsequent sense of competence depends on the behaviours of their coaches (Smith, Smoll & Curtis, 1978). Similarly, the extent to which coaches become role models to adolescents depends on the degree to which coaches demonstrate that they find intrinsic rewards in their coaching (McCormack & Chalip, 1988).

Sport and recreation are becoming matters of increasing policy concern throughout the world (Landry, 1990). In Australia and New Zealand, the policy concern is manifested by assignment of portfolios in sport and recreation to government ministers. Sport development has obtained particular attention through establishment of the Hillary Commission in New Zealand and the Australian Institute for Sport in Canberra.

This chapter sketches the significance of sport and recreation for the theory and practice of community psychology and describes methods for effective community-level interventions in sport and recreation settings. We begin by providing a general discussion of recreation and we focus on particular applications to adolescents. Three studies of sport and recreation in New Zealand are then presented to highlight the impact of recreation on wellbeing and social change.

Functional views of recreation in communities

Cushman and Laidler (1988) define recreation as any "activity through which leisure may be experienced and enjoyed" (p. 508). They note that recreation "is tied historically to certain types of activities, especially sport, art and crafts, outdoor pursuits, hobbies, continuing education and activities with a service orientation" (p. 508). Thus, sport is understood to be one among many recreation options.

A significant feature of recreation, as Cushman and Laidler (1988) note, is that:

It is assumed to bring personal and social benefits and, as a result, to qualify for support from the state. It is a means to an end and can be rationally justified (p. 508).

In other words, it is commonly assumed that recreation serves a social purpose, and therefore warrants government patronage. This assumption is not new. It provided the foundation for the recreation and park movement that began in the United States in the late nineteenth century (Cavallo, 1981; Macleod, 1983). Social workers and social reformers of the time were appalled to find children and adolescents living and playing in slum conditions. Reformers encouraged communities to provide recreational environments thought to be more conducive to the inculcation of values and behaviours preferred by the emergent industrial society; they sought provision of community recreation as a means to build character, implant values, and render instruction. By the end of World War I, recreation was widely recognized as an integral feature of community life and, consequently, a legitimate service of local government.

Tenets of the recreation and park movement continue to influence advocates of community recreation. In New Zealand, Cushman and Laidler (1988, p. 524) list six individual and six community benefits that recreation can provide. At the individual level, they argue that recreation can foster recuperation, cultural enrichment, growth and learning, physical and mental health, opportunities to transcend boredom or anxiety, and a sense of identity and involvement. At the community level, they argue that recreation can foster family cohesion, environmental appreciation, cultural sensitivity, shared community values, development of human potentials, and enhancement of productive value orientations.

The debate over benefits of sport for youth

Despite the many assertions of psychosocial value or risk from recreation or sport, research studies have failed to demonstrate any consistent effect of sport participation (Hodge, 1989; McCormack & Chalip, 1988). The lack of progress in identifying consistent sources of prosocial impact may be the result of three research inadequacies: (1) the assumption that character is "caught not taught," (2) ambiguities surrounding the definition of the word "character," and (3) the naive effort to identify socialization effects that are unique to sport.

Historically, those who eulogized sport spoke and wrote as if character is caught, not taught, through sport (Hodge, 1989). The prevailing view was that tacit sport values -- typically those recommended by the eulogist -- were internalized by participants, as if by osmosis. As a result of the caught-not-taught assumption, researchers have paid insufficient attention to distinguishing between positive and negative influences in sport environments. It has been shown, for example, that the impact of childhood sport experiences varies as a function of the quality of children's interactions with coaches (McCormack & Chalip, 1988). Coaches are, for better or worse, pivotal sources of influence. Few coaches obtain training in methods by which to optimize the quality of experiences they provide (Gould, 1987). Structural features of the sport environment may also impede coaches' application of lessons learned. For example, in a study of role conflict among New Zealand swimming coaches, Chalip (1978) found that coaches' prestige and career advancement depends firstly on peers, and secondly on parents. The children themselves are comparatively uninfluential.

Another problem central to the sport-as-socialization debate is that "character," which constitutes a central focus, seems to elude definition. Hodge (1989) argues that research should proceed from an explicit theoretical formulation and operational definition of character.

A final impediment to the study of sport's effect on children and adolescents has been the implicit assumption that sport constitutes a context for unique processes of socialization. For example, researchers customarily compare children who obtain sport experiences with children who do not. However, in order for such comparisons to locate a sport effect, the sport experience would have to provide a socialization outcome that is not obtained elsewhere, or that adds significantly to outcomes also obtained elsewhere. This is improbable since the norms and values fostered in sport are commonly obtained in a variety of alternative settings (McCormack & Chalip, 1988). Indeed, a society risks its viability if it provides only one or two settings for inculcating fundamental norms and values. In the case of sport, the socializing impact of participation may be neither unique nor additive, simply redundant.

This observation suggests the need to study sport in relation to other contexts of socialization. A study by Hyde (1978) illustrates the utility of contextualizing sport. Hyde shows that adolescents' choices not to participate in formal leisure organizations are best understood in terms of adult-adolescent relations of power. In a similar vein, Steele and Zurcher (1973) contend that people participate in recreational sports to satisfy social psychological needs that are incompletely satisfied by the more dominant and lasting roles to which people are assigned in everyday life.

Adolescent participation in recreation

The extent to which adolescents participate in recreational settings that facilitate pro-social behaviours is important for families and communities for at least two reasons. First, adolescence is recognized as a stage of high risk for rebellious and anti-social behaviour (Ritchie & Ritchie, 1984). Second, the extent and nature of participation in recreation during adolescence is likely to develop patterns that persist into adulthood.

Voyle (1990) studied a large committee of adolescents (age 13 through 18 years) who successfully established and administered a social centre for themselves and other teenagers in their town. When asked why they joined the committee, most volunteered that they were attracted by the opportunity to participate in authentic organizational policymaking. They frequently commented that they did not customarily feel free to state their opinions elsewhere, particularly at school. Sometimes this was because teachers were perceived to discourage free expression of opinions, and sometimes it was due to peer pressure to conform. Teenagers mentioned being conscious of having to say "the right thing" at school. In contrast, the social centre's management committee became a valued context for responsible self-expression. One 16 year old put it this way:

There's a lot of pressures at school that there aren't here at the committee [of adolescents that administers the social centre]. Here you can just have your freedom. At school you have all of these restrictions and the adults put you down. But here, they sort of help you along. (Voyle, 1990, p. 183)

A pivotal feature of adolescent administration of this leisure centre is that the adolescents obtain responsible roles via which to achieve tangible outcomes that are valued by themselves and their peers. Not only do the adolescents provide a worthwhile community resource; they also obtain a unique context for exploring social roles and personal identities. The experience of planning and governing their centre has a demonstrably beneficial impact on the adolescents' self-efficacy. Nevertheless, few sport programmes allow adolescents comparable administrative authority. Indeed, research suggests that youth sport coaches commonly prefer to administer in an authoritarian fashion (e.g., Penman, Hastad & Cords, 1974). If sport is to contribute significantly to adolescent socialization, it must provide opportunities for adolescents to define their own needs, to become involved in decision making, and to perform roles that are significant to themselves and to the organization. Sport may be of scant benefit to the socialization of adolescents if it excludes them from roles with genuine adult-like responsibilities. If sport merely reproduces the powerlessness to which adolescents are subjected elsewhere, then its contribution to adolescent socialization may be, at best, inconsequential.

Organized recreation seems to have a diminishing appeal to young people once they enter adolescence. It appears that contemporary programmes are unable to nurture the attitudes, expectations, and skills required for life-long involvement. A series of New Zealand, Australian and American studies document a precipitous decline in participation in organized recreation by people over 13 years of age (Bray, 1975; Gould, 1982; Hyde, 1978; McDavitt, 1977; Robb & Howarth, 1977; Sands, 1986). These findings are significant because they suggest that organized recreational environments, particularly sport environments, are failing to reach and serve adolescents who could be served. A primary cause is teenagers' dissatisfaction with adult constraints.

Voyle (1990) reports that one of the stipulations teenagers chose for their own committee rules was that the conduct of weekly meetings should "not be like school." The success of the committee in attracting teenage membership attests to teenagers' preference for a relatively unfettered decision-making environment.

Anthony (1985) also finds that teenagers are attracted to very informal, unstructured settings. She attributes teenagers' "hanging out" at shopping malls to their need for a respite from "the treadmill between home and school, a place for enjoying social life" (p. 311). For teenagers, a key attraction of malls is their lack of organized activities, structures, and schedules.

Adolescents can respond to adult dominated sport and recreation settings by surrendering to adult authority, or they can choose not to participate at all. Many adolescents prefer the latter choice. A third option requires that sport and leisure organizations be restructured to give adolescents significant authority for planning and administration. This would compel a change in the distribution of organizational power such that adults and adolescents combine their skills and resources in an atmosphere of mutual respect to achieve goals that both identify as important. If organized recreation continues to represent just another form of adult control over youth, little different from home or school, then there is every likelihood that adolescents will continue to choose not to participate.

Appropriate Organisations for Adolescent Recreation

In order to attract and retain adolescents, recreation organisations must meet developmentally appropriate needs (cf., White & Coakley, 1986). Two components of the recreation environment are pivotal: (1) opportunities to socialize and (2) adult leadership styles that empower. Each component renders an essential element for planning and evaluation.

Opportunities to socialize

Adolescents learn social skills and develop social maturity by socializing. Social interaction, particularly with peers, provides adolescents with opportunities for perspective taking (Selman, 1980), testing their self-concepts (Erikson, 1981), and utilizing new attentional capacities (Hamilton, 1983). These are essential developmental tasks. Socializing is not a mere want of adolescents; it is a need that adolescents feel acutely.

The opportunity to develop friendships and socialize can attract adolescents to recreation environments (Wankel & Kreisel, 1985); inadequate opportunity to socialize can drive adolescents away (Brown, 1985). Teenage members of the committee studied by Voyle (1990) rated opportunities for meeting people of different ages and backgrounds as one of the committee's primary attractions.

Leadership styles that empower

Adolescent empowerment can be defined as the process by which [adolescents] learn through active participation in the relationships, events, and institutions that affect their lives, to develop and apply their capacity to transform themselves and the world in which they live (National Commission on Resources for Youth, 1982, p. 1).

An emphasis on sharing power requires adults to establish a collaborative working relationship with adolescents. Adults must work in partnership with teenagers if programmes are to enable teenagers to fulfil their needs and their community's needs. Giving young people responsibility does not mean leaving them to their own devices. In fact, responsibility usually increases their need for support and feedback from adults whose competence and authority they respect (Dollar, 1975; Harrington, 1983).

Voyle's (1990) study of a committee of teenagers and adults in a New Zealand town provides an instructive illustration of adolescents' expectations for leaders. When Voyle asked teenagers what they understood by the word "leader," a common feature of their definitions was that leaders acquire leadership by virtue of the respect they earn. Teenagers in Voyle's study used the term "dictator" as an insult. Adults who impose their will by fiat void any claim to leadership.

Implications for interventions

Voyle's (1990) study examined a teenage committee formed early in 1987. A community needs survey had identified a recreation centre for teenagers as a priority need. The community development worker who initiated the committee felt that adolescents should play a primary role in planning, organizing, and administering the facility to enable teenagers to fulfil their needs.

Membership in the committee remained open to any teenager wishing to join. During the 20 months of study, the committee attracted 81 teenagers, though membership ranged between 30 and 40 teenagers at any one time. Adult membership included the community development worker and six local citizens. Meetings were held every Tuesday evening, except during school holidays when the occasional meeting was cancelled. Attendance at meetings averaged 23 teenagers and 4 adults.

The facility that was founded and administered by the committee is known as "Spatz." It serves as a social centre for local teenagers. It opens on Friday and Saturday nights and on some afternoons during school holidays. It is similar to a cafe, and has video games, a juke box, and a record and cassette player. In addition to running the cafe, the committee organizes theme nights, discos, barbecues, softball games, touch-rugby games, and bus trips to places suggested by teenagers.

The five recommendations developed by Voyle for designing adolescent recreation programmes are:

1. Willingness to share power with adolescents.
2. Maximize opportunities for adolescents to assume meaningful roles.
3. Plan programmes congruent with adolescents' reasons for participating.
4. Have realistic expectations.
5. Show confidence in adolescents' ability to succeed.

Willingness to share power with adolescents

It is vital that adults become aware of their personal needs for power. It will be counterproductive if they seek to satisfy those needs through work with adolescents. A unique feature of the committee was that adolescents were involved equally with adults in making and implementing decisions.

Sharing power with adolescents requires that respect be shown for them and their viewpoints, including their goals for the organization. At the same time, it is necessary for adults to help adolescents define tasks, master necessary skills, and acquire the confidence to test new skills.

Maximize opportunities for adolescents to assume meaningful roles

Voyle's study showed that adolescents can be empowered through the challenges inherent in roles that are new to them. From the outset, adolescents were given full scope to imprint their own style on the committee, and to shape policy. Once Spatz opened, adults worked with adolescents to plan activities, purchase supplies, serve customers, prepare publicity, apply for funding, maintain the facility, and represent the committee's interests at Town Council meetings.

Serving on the counter and "gate duty" were typically reserved for adolescents. Gate duty was performed at Spatz and at other venues where the adolescents held fund-raising discos. It required collection of a small charge for admission, as well as responsibility for security. Maintenance of security required that adolescents under the influence of alcohol or drugs not gain entry, and that disruptive or intimidating behaviour be prevented or stopped. It was consistent with the non-violent ethic of the teenage centre that force was to be used only as a last resort.

An example of the impact meaningful roles can have is provided by an episode involving adolescents' performance of gate duty. Mike, a sixteen year old committee member, began to appear regularly at Spatz under the influence of alcohol and marijuana (according to his own testimony). Although he was denied entry, Mike's presence outside was perceived by other teenage committee members to be damaging the image of Spatz. Colin, a sixteen year old committee member who was a friend of Mike's, persuaded the committee that it would cause Mike to "lose face" if Mike's behaviour were discussed at an open committee meeting. Colin won the committee's agreement to refrain from taking action until he had confronted Mike privately. Colin convinced Mike that his behaviour was inappropriate. Not long afterward, Mike joined a drug and alcohol awareness programme for which another committee member provided a contact. Mike gave no further problems, and was once again an enthusiastic and productive committee member. He became noticeably more careful of his appearance, and he returned to playing rugby. Mikes's own description of the episode is instructive:

When Colin first started talking, I didn't take much notice of what he was saying. And then I thought that if I was allowed [to do] it, everyone else would want to try it as well -- to come down here stoned.... If I'm on the committee and do something, then everyone would think, "We can do that too."

The impact on Colin was equally profound. Prior to this episode, Colin had preferred violent means for dealing with peers who caused him trouble. His successful verbal persuasion of Mike enabled Colin to see himself as someone who could use words effectively. When enforcing security during gate duty at Spatz, Colin was able to practice substituting verbal skills for physical force. Other committee members commented on the improvement in Colin's attitude and demeanour.

It is instructive to consider the implications of this episode, since it amplified both Colin's and Mike's commitment to Spatz, and also laid the groundwork for Mike's adoption of more socially responsible patterns of behaviour and his return to organized rugby. Both adolescents had come to value the roles they played as committee members responsible for the planning and delivery of recreation to their peers. Resolution of Mike's problem behaviour was initiated by peer reproach, rather than by adult injunction. Had Spatz been under the kind of adult control that typifies other recreation organizations, it is unlikely that the methods or outcomes would have been comparable.

Voyle's (1990) study of this committee is filled with examples of how access to meaningful roles benefitted the adolescents, the recreation centre, and the community. The community gained a productive and popular programme at minimal cost. Local adolescents expanded their social networks, practised socially responsible behaviours, enhanced their self-esteem, developed new interpersonal competencies, and learned managerial skills. The key was to empower the adolescents by entrusting them with real responsibilities.

Plan programmes congruent with adolescents' reasons for participating

Adolescents in Voyle's study cited three features of the committee that were particularly attractive:

1. It provided a venue for self-determination.
2. It allowed them to perform significant roles via which they could demonstrate and develop their capabilities.
3. It afforded opportunities for social interaction.

These attractions transcended the boundaries of gender, ethnicity, and socio-economic status. They are consistent with the developmental tasks of adolescence (cf., Havighurst, 1972).

Voyle's (1990) interviews with teenage committee members showed that adolescents sometimes perceive potentials that are missed or underestimated by adult administrators. Adolescent needs for self-determination and significant roles can express themselves in ways adults may not expect. For example, adolescents felt that it was important for the committee to improve the community's image of teenagers. This aspiration required that committee activities and publicity be structured to provide teenagers a high profile.

A 14 year old said:
[It was important for teenagers to run the committee] to prove to adults that kids could go and have a good atmosphere for themselves rather than walking the streets. [We had] to prove to "whoever" that we could do it, and to help the teenagers.

Meeting adolescent needs can enhance programme vitality even when that outcome seems unlikely. For example, some adolescents in Voyle's study were sceptical of peers who joined the committee for social rather than altruistic reasons. Nevertheless, it transpired that those who joined for social reasons contributed fully to the committee's work. Programmes seeking to increase or broaden adolescent participation must monitor adolescent perceptions of programme structure, goals, and opportunities. Recruitment requires that the organization identify and cater to adolescent agendas. This again recommends the value of an administration that seeks and welcomes adolescent advice and direction.

Have realistic expectations

Programmes that permit genuine adolescent management are rare. Consequently, adolescents typically lack experience in organization governance. They begin their involvement with little idea of what is expected. Adults must be prepared to spend time helping adolescents acquire the necessary skills. This may require patience and forbearance.

Adolescents attending committee meetings can lose concentration after 45 minutes of serious discussion. It is advisable to limit the amount of formal business at any one meeting. Even if limited, the business of one meeting can require substantially more than 45 minutes. Frequent breaks should be incorporated to provide an opportunity for participants to release pent-up energy and socialize.

Adolescents vary considerably in their reliability and readiness to commit themselves to projects. Nevertheless, they can learn to become more reliable. Five methods are effective for enhancing adolescents' reliability:

1. Involve adolescents when planning new ventures, and encourage each to specify how he or she would like to contribute.
2. Ensure that adolescents know the overall plan for the venture, including their role in making it succeed.
3. Respect individual objections to particular tasks, such as selling raffle tickets.
4. Do not pressure an adolescent to perform any task he or she feels unable to perform.
5. Provide a gradual transition over time into increasingly responsible roles.

Show confidence in adolescents' ability to succeed

It helps to sustain adolescents' interest in and support for a project if adult stakeholders communicate confidence in the adolescents' ability to bring it to a successful conclusion. The coordinator of the committee which Voyle studied communicated her confidence by her choice of words and the agenda she set. While Spatz was still being planned, she spoke of "when" the centre opened rather than "if" the centre opened. From the beginning, she encouraged the adolescents to discuss concrete aspects of the centre's operation (e.g., the behaviour code). She promoted a vision of the accomplished task.

In summary, adolescent participation in administration can stimulate adolescent membership, provide a labour resource, and provide youth with opportunities to develop social and adminstrative skills which may not be available in other settings. In order to facilitate such outcomes, adults need to structure their own involvement in ways which to not undermine adolescent motivation and participation.

Participation in sport and recreation: Motivations and benefits

So far, our discussion has focused on theories and issues basic to youth and adolescent participation in sport and recreation. These can be extended to adult participation. They become manifest in the recreational choices people make, the reasons they choose to participate, and the benefits they obtain. The three studies we summarize in this section illustrate each of these manifestations. We first sketch the diversity of recreational choices made by residents of a New Zealand community; we then catalogue the motivations New Zealanders report for participation in organized sport; and we conclude by describing the psychological benefits obtained from recreation by New Zealand migrant workers.

The Hamilton survey of recreational participation

A New Zealand project (Thomas, 1991) surveyed the extent of participation in recreational activities and the reasons for enjoyment reported by 700 residents of Hamilton, a city of about 100,000 people in the central North Island. People were asked, "What do you usually do in your spare time?" and "What do you enjoy about these activities?" A list of the 15 most common activities reported, including comparisons of responses from males and females, is provided in Table 6.1. It is interesting to note that among the six most frequently mentioned activities, only aerobics is commonly done in an organized context.

Table 6.1
Leisure Activities Among Hamilton Residents* (N = 700)

*Response to question "What do you usually do in your spare time?"
**20% or greater difference from expected frequencies between men (42% of sample) and women (58% of sample)

Comparison with previous New Zealand surveys suggests that these results are not unique to Hamilton (Cushman & Laidler, 1990; Murray-North Partners, 1984). If allowance is made for the different time periods of the surveys (i.e., aerobics only become common in the mid-1980s) and the differences in survey instrumentation, it appears that home maintenance, gardening, reading, socializing, and listening to music are common spare time activities of New Zealanders. Interestingly, though clubs sometimes exist for people who share these interests, each activity is typically done informally, outside organized contexts.

Responses to the question about reasons for enjoyment of particular activities are shown in Table 6.2. It is clear that some activities share common bases for enjoyment. For example, fishing, boating, and being at the beach are each enjoyed because they are relaxing outdoor activities.

Table 6.2
Reasons for Enjoyment: Categories and Examples

The activities in Table 6.1 were next grouped according to the extent to which they shared common bases for enjoyment. Resultant groupings are shown in Table 6.3.

Table 6.3
Activities Grouped by Reasons for Enjoyment

Given the differences that exist among the various activities, the apparent similarities need to be interpreted judiciously. However, the survey does provide some clear guidelines for counselling people about recreational alternatives (see also Iso-Ahola, 1983). The counsellor should begin by soliciting the needs or reasons that motivate an individual's pursuit of recreational participation, and then encourage the prospective participant to explore activities likely to fulfil those needs.

The survey illustrates the value of having a range of recreational opportunities available. It is clear, for example, that facilities that allow for informal and self-initiated recreational activities (e.g., parks, waterways, walkways, and cycleways) are no less important than the buildings and equipment provided for organized sports.

Motivations for participation in sport

Motivations for sport participation are of particular interest because the psychological benefits associated with recreation in general are complemented by the health benefits physical exercise provides. For example, Beaglehole and Arroll (1989) report studies showing that two out of three middle-aged New Zealanders obtain no regular exercise. They assert the need to map the motivational infrastructure of participation.

In a study by Fertl (1990), 227 University of Waikato students were surveyed. Each was asked to describe his or her sport involvement, and to state the five most significant reasons he or she participated in each sport. Categorized reasons are listed in Table 6.4. The categories are similar to those identified for American samples (Raugh & Wall, 1987; Youngblood & Suinn, 1980).

Table 6.4
Motivational Categories

These provide an interesting parallel to the enjoyments reported in the Hamilton survey of recreational participation. Social contact and emotional release seem to be benefits that sport shares in common with other forms of recreation. However, participants recognize sport as a uniquely appropriate activity for enhancement of fitness and health.

It is instructive to consider the range of motivation categories inventoried in Table 6.4. Participants identify a diverse array of reasons to participate. A key implication is that programme planners and administrators can broaden participation by publicizing and supporting a variety of potential benefits. Further analyses showed that participants in team sports value and expect to obtain the social benefits of participation (i.e., social contact, personal interaction, and team interaction) more than do participants in individual sports. The higher the athlete's level of involvement in the sport, the more he or she tended to value and expect sport's benefits.

These findings suggest that it may be useful to design programmes that facilitate athletes' socialization into their chosen sports (cf., Scott, 1976). The development and testing of procedures for effective socialization of participants into sport programmes may be a profitable direction for future inquiry. Similar procedures may prove to be effective in the prevention of athlete burnout (cf. Dale & Weinberg, 1990). A useful antidote may be to provide programmes that help athletes refocus on benefits and valuations or that assist athletes in identifying and valuing new benefits. This suggests the merit of further work to determine the bases for changes in athletes' perceptions and valuations of sport.

The Mobile Workforce Project

We showed earlier that sport and recreation can provide useful contexts for adolescent social interaction, development of self-efficacy, and expression of community affiliation. To the degree that this also holds true for adults, sport and recreation should facilitate the adjustment of people who shift from one area to another. Studies of migrant workers and their families who had recently arrived in the Whangarei and North Taranaki districts of New Zealand (Thomas, O'Driscoll & Robertson, 1984) highlight several ways that recreation involvements can assist adjustment to a new location. Respondents were asked what social and recreational facilities they had used during the preceding six months.

A key finding was that persons who became involved in sport and recreation developed larger networks of friends, received more social support, and were likely to report socializing with other people. A particularly noteworthy corollary was that people living in unsatisfactory accommodation participated in sport and recreation more frequently. It appeared that sport and recreation helped people cope with living in poor accommodation, perhaps because recreational pursuits provided a purpose for spending time away from one's house or flat.

Follow-up interviews were carried out six months after the initial interviews. People who participated in fewer recreational activities at the time of the initial interviews were more likely to have shifted away from the town. Those people who had left town were more likely than those who stayed to spend days off outside the district. It appeared that participation in local sport and recreation helped migrants become more attached to their area by facilitating their development of social contacts and supportive social networks.

Enhancing wellbeing through participation in recreation and sport

The themes covered so far in the chapter indicate that, given appropriate planning and conditions, participation in sport and recreation can provide a range of benefits. In this section, four specific themes relevant to social change interventions are elaborated. These themes are; self-efficacy and personal control, friendship and social networks, belonging and identity, and consulting with recreational organizations.

Self-efficacy and personal control

A minimum level of self-efficacy is required before a person will seek or use recreation opportunities. Although people with low self-efficacy may obtain distinct benefits from recreational activities, such people are least likely to pursue appropriate recreation prospects. Simply making opportunities for sport and recreation participation available is insufficient. Provision of opportunities must include broad information dissemination (Mull, Bayless & Ross, 1987), planning for recruitment, and counselling (Iso-Ahola, 1983).

Sport and other recreational activities can be structured to provide experiences that enhance participants' sense of self-efficacy (e.g., Brody, Hatfield & Spalding, 1988; Iso-Ahola, 1983). However, neither sport nor non-sport recreation is intrinsically adequate for enhancing self-efficacy. The impact of participation depends on the experience obtained. For example, Prapavessis and Carron (1988) show that as many as 20% of athletes develop attributional styles associated with learned helplessness. During the initial stages of participation in recreational activities, some experience of positive outcomes is needed to develop persistence and maintain interest in further skill development.

Self-efficacy can also be enhanced through appropriate attention to planning and behaviour. Research suggests nine procedures that coaches, instructors, and administrators can employ to enhance the self-efficacy of participants:

1. modelling an internal locus of control,
2. emphasizing skill instruction,
3. explaining the rationale for training methods,
4. stressing the relationships among participants' planning, behaviour, and outcomes,
5. noting when and to what degree outcomes have been mediated by situational antecedents,
6. helping participants set realistic goals,
7. demonstrating by example the fun to be obtained in the activity,
8. encouraging positive talk among participants, and
9. providing a schedule of activities and competition that conforms to each participant's own level of skill (Chalip, 1980; Gould, Hodge, Peterson & Giannini, 1989; McCormack & Chalip, 1988).

Interestingly, application of these procedures in sport settings can also enhance the rate of participants' improvement and competitive success (Chalip, 1980). Since psychological outcomes depend on programme design and administration, it is useful to explore the psychological processes via which these procedures obtain their effect.

Bandura (1982) observed that judgments about one's self-efficacy are based on four sources of information: performance attainments, experience from observing others, exposure to verbal commentaries, and physiological states. Sports contests and skill-based recreational activities can provide unambiguous feedback on these four dimensions. In the case of sport competitions, near-equal contests provide participants clearer feedback about the effects of changes in skills and techniques than is provided by unequal contests. Uncertain outcomes also enhance interest among spectators and participants (Zillman, Bryant & Sapolsky, 1989). The value of graded competition systems is readily apparent.

Wilderness settings can also provide clear and unambiguous feedback about competence and self-efficacy. Feedback in these settings can enhance the sense of well-being in people whose occupational activities are primarily based on "automatic" responding to urban environments where feedback is typically non-novel and blurred (Reser & Scherl, 1988). Wilderness settings can require those who enter to exert personal control in physical environments over which they have little control. Control is exerted over the self to cope with the environment. Outdoor activities like bush-walks, mountain climbing, canoeing, and kayaking can provide the feedback that engenders development of personal control through enactment of competent survival behaviours. When these activities are done with a group, such as a club or wilderness course, the feedback effects can be augmented by social support from instructors and participants (cf., Mitchell, 1983).

Friendship and social networks

Many recreational activities involve participation with identifiable social groups (Fine, 1989). Social processes facilitated in such settings may include; companionship that averts loneliness (Rook, 1987), a sense of belonging that enhances the individual's construction of identity (Donnelly & Young, 1988), and social support that promotes a sense of wellbeing and helps the individual cope with stress (Cohen & Willis, 1985). Recreational groups can provide shared experiences and the opportunity to reflect on those experiences in informal social settings. The social ecology of participation in a structured setting that has a focus on "task-oriented" activities can provide access to supportive social relationships and allow needs for companionship to be met. Participation in recreational activities can provide a rationale for entry into a social setting without requiring the participant to acknowledge being lonely. The impact and attractiveness of sport and recreation programmes depends, in part, on the opportunities afforded for social interaction. Although social interaction seems to be an essential component of most organized recreation, it is particularly desired by youth sport participants (Brown, 1985; Wankel & Kreisel, 1985).

Interventions should especially seek to integrate social isolates more fully into a programme, to penetrate the social boundaries of cliques, and to use the skills of social leaders. Several procedures are likely to aid integration of social isolates, who are often marginal performers in teams. Their low social acceptance may reflect team members' perceptions that the isolate is not achieving at a high standard (Maruyama, Miller & Holtz, 1986). In such cases, it can be useful to highlight their contributions to the programme. Explicit recognition from coaches, social leaders, and/or a programme newsletter can help. Where appropriate, isolated individuals should be included on special committees or projects that serve programme goals. This enhances the isolate's visibility and the salience of his or her contributions. Other techniques for integrating isolated individuals and cliques include: having members of different cliques room together, travel to events together, or eat together; when travelling to or staying at events, social isolates can be paired with relatively popular participants; special social activities (e.g., barbecues, picnics, parties) can also provide opportunities for interventions.

Belonging and identity

A sense of belonging enhances personal identity through an increased sense of personal control over social interaction. This results from meaningful personal participation with an identifiable social group. Even low-status individuals are likely to be acknowledged for affirmations of group identity. Metaphors that provide shared meanings for participants in a particular activity allow development of group cohesion and a sense of community. The sense of community can be incorporated into one's personal identity so that the shared metaphors become salient in other settings. Indeed, recreational activities can become a means by which individuals and communities symbolize and explore community identity and values.

In organized sports contests, it is common for people to experience a sense of identity linking the supporter of a particular team to the team itself. The team comes to symbolize the community, its potentials, and its values (Stone, 1981). The fortunes of the team are monitored closely and discussed at length. Elaborate attributions are developed to explain the team's successes or failures. Avid fans come to know a great deal about the history of their favourite teams and the personal lives of leading athletes. The athlete becomes an honoured representative of the community.

Mitrano and Smith (1990) provided an example of the ways that sport can bolster community cohesion following a natural disaster. The hurricane that hit the Caribbean island of St. Croix in 1989 caused substantial damage, leaving little opportunity for normal community events. The recommencement of horse racing fortified the sense of community cohesion as islanders began to rebuild. Mitrano and Smith described how the horse races: (1) afforded reassurance, (2) induced a sense of communal camaraderie, and (3) facilitated the management of tensions and conflict.

Consulting with recreational organizations

The evaluation of sports and recreation programmes and the enhancement of programme participants' social integration are specialized examples of consulting for organization development. A number of texts describe general methods for organization diagnosis and intervention (e.g., Harrison, 1987), and there is an emerging research literature on effective consulting (see Armenakis & Burdg, 1988). The volunteer character of most sport and recreation administration can create special problems (cf., Beamish, 1985; Tedrick & Henderson, 1989).

Three recent reports (Chalip, 1989; Goodrick, 1990; McPherson, 1986) described lessons derived from consultations to sport organizations. Recommendations from these authors have been synthesized and the six resulting recommendations are summarized below.

1. Maximize the research collaboration of organization members and administrators.
2. Plan a long-term relationship with the organization.
3. Employ multiple methods of research.
4. Study the organization's environment.
5. Evaluate the organization's communications.
6. Be prepared for conflict.

Sport and recreation organizations are a relatively new milieu for consultation by community psychologists. It is encouraging that work reported so far suggests common principles for research, evaluation, and intervention. The challenge ahead is to discover new possibilities and to improve existing procedures.

Conclusions

Throughout this chapter, we have described potential benefits of sport and recreation for individuals and communities. We have stressed that the impact of sport and recreation depends on the particulars of implementation. It has been emphasized that sport and recreation need to be studied within the context of associated social structures, community opportunities, and personal values. New directions for research and practice by community psychologists have been noted (cf., Danish, 1983).

Community psychology is moving away from models that assume community to be based on place of residence. The appropriate focus is on the "sense of community" that people obtain in the groups with which they undertake communal endeavours (McMillan & Chavis, 1986). Recent work (e.g., McTeer & Curtis, 1984; Pearson, 1979) indicates that sport and recreation are replacing neighbourhoods and worksites as venues for communal activity and consequent community feeling. A key implication is that the study of sport and recreation is more than a mere extension of community psychology; it is an essential component.

References

Armenakis, A.A., & Burdg, H.B. (1988). Consultation research: Contributions to practice and directions for improvement. Journal of Management, 14, 339-365.

Beamish, R. (1985). Sport executives and voluntary associations: A review of the literature and introduction to some theoretical issues. Sociology of Sport Journal,2, 218-232.

Anthony, K. H. (1985). The shopping mall: A teenage hangout. Adolescence, 20, 307-312.

Bandura, A. (1982). Self-efficacy mechanism in human agency. American Psychologist, 37, 122-147.

Beaglehole, R., & Arroll, B. (1989). Should we prescribe exercise? New Zealand Medical Journal, 868, 247.

Brown, B.A. (1985). Factors influencing the process of withdrawal by female adolescents from the role of competitive age group swimmer. Sociology of Sport Journal, 2, 111-129.

Bray, D. H. (1975). Activities for Māori youth: Innovative involvement of Napier YMCA. Napier, NZ: Y.M.C.A.

Brody, E.B., Hatfield, B.D., & Spalding, T.W. (1988). Generalization of self-efficacy to a continuum of stressors upon mastery of a high-risk sport skill. Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology, 10, 32-44.

Brohm, J-M. (1978). Sport: A prison of measured time. London: Ink Links.

Cavallo, D. (1981). Muscles and morals: Organized playgrounds and urban reform, 1880-1920. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.

Chalip, L. (1978). Role conflicts in a coaching subculture. In J. Hinchcliff (Ed.), The nature and meaning of sport in New Zealand (pp. 62-65). Auckland: Centre for Continuing Education, University of Auckland.

Chalip, L. (1980). Social learning theory and sport success: Evidence and implication. Journal of Sport Behavior, 3, 76-85.

Chalip, L. (1989). The post-season assessment survey: A simple tool for sport organisation development. New Zealand Journal of Sports Medicine, 17(2), 28-31.

Chalip, L., Csikszentmihalyi, M., Kleiber, D., & Larson, R. (1984). Variations of experience in formal and informal sport. Research Quarterly for Exercise and Sport, 55, 109-116.

Clarke, J., & Critcher, C. (1985). The devil makes work: Leisure in capitalist Britain. Champaign, IL: University of Illinois Press.

Cushman, G., & Laidler, A. (1988). Recreation and leisure. In Report of the Royal Commission on Social Policy (Vol. 4, pp. 507-531). Wellington: The Royal Commission on Social Policy.

Cushman, G., & Laidler, A. (1990). Leisure participation in New Zealand. In Proceedings of the Commonwealth and International Conference on Physical Education, Sport, Health, Dance, Recreation, and Leisure (Vol. 6). Auckland: Recreation, Leisure, and Play.

Danish, S.J. (1983). Musings about personal competence: The contributions of sport, health, and fitness. American Journal of Community Psychology, 11, 221-240.

Dollar, B. (1975). Youth participation: A concept paper. New York: National Commission on Resources for Youth.

Erikson, E.H. (1981). Youth, change and challenge. New York: Basic Books.

Fertl, B.I. (1990). A social learning approach to the study of motivation. Unpublished master's thesis, University of Waikato, Hamilton, New Zealand.

Fine, G.A. (1989). Mobilizing fun: Provisioning resources in leisure worlds. Sociology of Sport Journal, 6, 319-334.

Goldman, R. (1984). We make weekends: Leisure and the commodity form. Social Text, 8, 84-103.

Goodrick, D.A.E. (1990). Community consultation to sport organisations: A case study of a small-town swimming club. Unpublished master's thesis. University of Waikato, Hamilton, New Zealand.

Gould, D. (1982). Sport psychology in the 1980s: Status, direction, and challenge in youth sports research. Journal of Sport Psychology, 4, 203-218.

Gould, D. (1987). Promoting positive sport experiences for children. In J.R. May & M.J. Asken (Eds.), Sport psychology: The psychological health of the athlete (pp. 77-98). New York: PMA.

Gould, D., Hodge, K., Peterson, K., & Giannini, J. (1989). An exploration of strategies used by elite coaches to enhance self-efficacy in athletes. Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology, 11, 128-140.

Hamilton, J.A. (1983). Development of interest and enjoyment in adolescence, part 1: Attentional capacities. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 12, 355-360.

Harrington, D. (1983). Towards excellence: Developing high standards in youth programs. Boston, MA: National Commission on Resources for Youth.

Harrison, M.I. (1987). Diagnosing organizations: Methods, models, and processes. Newbury Park, CA: Sage.

Havighurst, R.J. (1972). Developmental tasks and education. New York: David McKay.

Hodge, K. (1989). Character-building in sport: Fact or fiction? New Zealand Journal of Sports Medicine, 17, 23-25.

Hyde, T.F. (1978). Youth-adult relationships and early adolescent male participation in organized leisure activity. In J. Hinchcliff (Ed.), The nature and meaning of sport in New Zealand (pp. 56-62). Auckland: Centre for Continuing Education, University of Auckland.

Iso-Ahola, S.E. (1983). Social psychological foundations of leisure and resultant implications for leisure counselling. In E.T. Dowd (Ed.), Leisure counselling: Concepts and applications (pp. 97-125). Springfield, IL: Charles C. Thomas.

Kohn, A. (1986). No contest: The case against competition. Boston: Houghton Mifflin.

Landry, F. (1990). The Olympic Movement: Grandeurs and paradoxes of its development and successes. In Seoul Olympic Sports Promotion Foundation (Ed.), Toward one world beyond all barriers (Vol. 2, pp. 51-69). Seoul: Poong Nam Publishing.

Lapchick, R. (1984). Broken promises. New York: St. Martin's.

Macleod, D.I. (1983). Building character in the American boy: The Boy Scouts, YMCA, and their forerunners, 1870-1920. Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press.

Maruyama, G., Miller, N., & Holtz, R. (1986). The relationship between popularity and achievement: A test of the lateral transmission hypothesis. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 51, 730-741.

McCormack, J.B., & Chalip, L. (1988). Sport as socialization: A critique of methodological premises. Social Science Journal, 25, 83-92.

McDavitt, T. (1977). Youth centres in New Zealand. Wellington: Ministry of Recreation and Sport.

McMillan, D.W., & Chavis, D.M. (1986). Sense of community: A definition and theory. Journal of Community Psychology, 14, 6-23.

McPherson, B.D. (1986). Policy-oriented research in youth-sport: An analysis of the process and product. In C.R. Rees & A.W. Miracle (Eds.), Sport and social theory (pp. 255-287). Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics.

McTeer, W., & Curtis, J.E. (1984). Sociological profiles of marathoners. In N. Theberge & P. Donnelly (Eds.), Sport and the sociological imagination (pp. 368-384). Fort Worth, TX: Texas Christian University Press.

Mitchell, R.G., Jr. (1983). Mountain experience: The psychology and sociology of adventure. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Mitrano, J.R., & Smith, R.E. (1990). The socioemotional functions of sport and the maintenance of community: Hurricane Hugo and horse racing in St. Croix. Arena Review, 14, 47-58.

Mull, R.F., Bayless, K.G., & Ross, C.M. (1987). Recreational sports programming (2nd ed.). North Palm Beach, FL: Athletic Institute.

Murray-North Partners (1984). North Taranaki recreation report. New Plymouth: Taranaki United Council.

National Commission on Resources for Youth (1982). Youth empowerment: A training guide. Boston, MA: National Commission on Resources for Youth.

Orlick, T. (1978). Winning through cooperation: Competitive insanity--cooperative alternatives. Washington, D.C.: Acropolis.

Pearson, K. (1979). Surfing subcultures of Australia and New Zealand. St. Lucia, Queensland: University of Queensland Press.

Penman, K.A., Hastad, D.N., & Cords, W.L. (1974). Success of the authoritarian coach. Journal of Social Psychology, 92, 155-156.

Prapavessis, H., & Carron, A.V. (1988). Learned helplessness in sport. The Sport Psychologist, 2, 189-201.

Raugh, D., & Wall, R. (1987). Measuring sports participation motivation. International Journal of Sport Psychology, 18, 112-119.

Remer, R., Tongate, F.A., & Watson, J. (1978). Athletes: Counselling the overprivileged minority. Personnel and Guidance Journal, 56, 626-629.

Reser, J., & Scherl, L. (1988). Clear and unambiguous feedback: A transactional and motivational analysis of environmental challenge and self-encounter. Journal of Environmental Psychology, 8, 269-286.

Rigauer, B. (1981). Sport and work. New York: Columbia University Press.

Ritchie, J. & Ritchie J. (1984). The dangerous age. Sydney: Allen & Unwin.

Robb, M., & Howarth, H. (1977). New Zealand recreation survey: Preliminary report. Wellington: New Zealand Council for Recreation and Sport.

Rojek, C. (1985). Capitalism and leisure theory. New York: Tavistock.

Rook, K. (1987). Social support versus companionship: Effects of life stress, loneliness, and evaluations by others. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 52, 1132-1147.

Sands, R. (1986). Self-determination and adults in organised children's sport: A powerful contradiction. New Zealand Journal of Physical Education, 19(2), 3-7.

Scott, E.P. (1976). Aesthetics, education and the aims of age group swimming. Swimming World, 17(11), 17-19.

Selman, R. (1980). The development of interpersonal understanding. New York: Academic Press.

Smith, R.E., Smoll, F.L., & Curtis, B. (1978). Coaching behaviours in little league baseball. In F. L. Smoll & R.E. Smith (Eds.), Coaching perspectives in youth sports (pp. 173-201). Washington, DC: Hemisphere Publishing.

Steele, P.D., & Zurcher, L.A. (1973). Leisure sports as "ephemeral roles:" An exploratory study. Pacific Sociological Review, 16, 345-356.

Stone, G.P. (1981). Sport as a community representation. In G.R.F. Luschen & G.H. Sage (Eds.), Handbook of social science of sport (pp. 214-245). Champaign, IL: Stipes.

Tedrick, T., & Henderson, K. (1989). Volunteers in leisure: A management perspective. Reston, VA: AAHPERD.

Thomas, D.R. (1991). [Patterns of leisure and reasons for enjoyment among New Zealand adults and youth]. Unpublished data, Department of Psychology, University of Waikato.

Thomas, D.R., O'Driscoll, M.P., & Robertson, N.R. (1984). The mobile workforce in New Zealand: Social network development, health and well-being (M.W.P. Report 3). Hamilton, NZ: Department of Psychology, University of Waikato.

Voyle, J.A. (1990). Adolescent participation in the development of a leisure facility. Unpublished master's thesis, University of Waikato, Hamilton, New Zealand.

Wankel, L.M., & Kreisel, P. (1985). Factors underlying enjoyment of youth sports: Sport and age group comparisons. Journal of Sport Psychology, 7, 51-64.

White, A., & Coakley, J. (1986). Making decisions: The response of young people in the Medway towns to the "Ever Thought of Sport?" campaign. London: Sports Council.

Youngblood, D., & Suinn, R.M. (1980). A behavioral assessment of motivation. In R.M. Suinn (Ed.), Psychology in sports: Methods and applications (pp. 73-77). Minneapolis, MN: Burgess Publishing.

Zillman, D., Bryant, J., & Sapolsky, B.S. (1989). Enjoyment from sports spectatorship. In J.H. Goldstein (Ed.), Sports, games, and play: Social and psychological viewpoints (2nd ed., pp. 241-278). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.